Taboo I-II-III-IV (1979-1985) __FULL__
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Adolescents rank the media with parents and peers as important sources of sexual information. This may be because the media are better at depicting the passion and positive possibilities of sex than its problems and consequences. Despite increasing public concern about the potential health risks of early, unprotected sexual activity, only about one in 11 of the programs on television that include sexual content mention possible risks or responsibilities. Sexually transmitted diseases other than HIV and AIDS are almost never discussed, and unintended pregnancies are rarely shown as the outcomes of unprotected sex.2 Abortion is a taboo topic, too controversial for commercial television and magazines. Homosexual and transgendered youth rarely find themselves represented in the mainstream media. Although a few youth-targeted programs, such as "Dawson's Creek," have recently included gay characters, what some have called "compulsory heterosexuality" prevails.3
I want to pause here to meditate on the transformative potential offered by Philip's demotic form, one that is inevitably hybrid,in the same way Caribbean linguistic practice "is and is not English." Many non-Western thinkers have been restive with postmodernand Western post-colonialist (not to mention official multicultural) celebrations of cultural hybridity as one more site ofappropriation, domestication, and management. However, Philip, along with theorists like Kumkum. Sangari and Françoise Lionnet,points to a "politics of possibility" activated by a practice of métissage or creolization, not only of languages, but also of culturaltraditions, discourses, and histories. Philip underscores the way in which the demotic variant of English and her "unmanageable"forms put pressure on the mutual implication of histories for Africans, Europeans, Caribbeans, and peoples of the Americas. Like theCaribbean demotic, creolized form or a "métissage of styles" resists historical amnesia and activates cultural memory multiply: for theAfrosporic peoples, elegiac; for Anglo-Europeans, interrogative of enduring neo-colonial social relations (Lionnet, "Introduction" 29).Heterogenous forms, then, foreground the historical conditions of their emergence. Rather than reading hybridity as a "matter of therecurring renovation of style through new juxtapositions," as postmodemism frequently does, mixed forms should be read as "therestless product of a long history of miscegenation, assimilation, and syncretization, as well as of conflict, contradiction, and culturalviolence" (Sangari 161, 158). Like miscegenation, the mixing of cultural forms, traditions, and languages violates the taboo againstmixed genres and categories of all kinds. "The law of Genre" as interrogated by Derrida is encoded not only in literary genres, but most vigilantly in social categories. Lionnet reminds us of the persistent Western fear ofracial mixing which translated to the regulatory practice of scientific racism in the nineteenth century, extended to Nazi research inand practices of eugenics in the twentieth century, and resurfaced closer to home in Philip Rushton's racialist science at theUniversity of Western Ontario. Philip's deployment of the long poem sequence (genre of choice by postmodern critics) significantlycalls for socio-historic contextualization of this genre's border-crossing refusal of genre purity. Putting pressure on the framingconditions of Philip's practice suggests the ideological specificity of such a choice: it cannot be read solely as foregroundinglinguistic "indeterminacy" and playful refusal of bourgeois realist codes. In She Tries Her Tongue, miscegenation of form runs a kindof textual interference, incites a collision of discourses, that reveals language to be anything but indeterminate in its materialeffects. This text activates engagement with the mutual implication of discourses and bodies. Philip's practice of mixed genres,discourses, and languages is a "transformative mode" grounded in socio-cultural realities and offers possibilities for new ways ofseeing and reconfiguring power (Sangari 162). A trickster element is also at play in Philip's impersonation of styles and forms nother own; she deploys an "aesthetics of ruse" or "transformation and transmutation" that historically allowed the subjugated tosurvive (Lionnet, "Introduction" 18). This may be closely related to the traditional female trickster figure from West AfricanDahomean mythology who used wit, disguise, and concealment to overwhelm a larger and more powerful foe. For example,African-American slave narratives witness the practice of sass or sharp-tongued back talk, a trickster strategy by which enslavedwomen resisted unwanted sexual advances (Braxton 30-31). In similar fashion, Philip speaks back to the "Three Little Pigs" folktale, parodically recast as a mock "how to" manual--"How to Build Your House Safe and Right." She interrogatively disrupts theclosure of the happy ending when the wolf can't "huff and puff" the house walls down because the last little pig got smart and builtthem of brick: "Did the third pig buy his bricks or was he given them, and why? Where did he get his money to buy his brickswith?" (89). Such interrogation of the tale resituates the "right choice of materials" as conditions for safe housing in class privilege and hard economic realities. In trickster fashion, she invokes the folk tale only to demystify its seemingly apolitical surfaceand reinsert it into a framework of lived social relations. 2b1af7f3a8
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